Abstracts

The General State of Independent Media in Afghanistan
Aziz Hakimi, former executive director of The Killid Group, and advisor to South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA)

Afghanistan is not lost, but the signs are not good. Six years after the fall of the Taliban, Afghanistan is still highly unstable. And it seems to be getting worse rather than better. Even a casual observer can see that the country’s leadership is divided; its institutions are week and compromised; its officials corrupt and abusive, and its people desperately poor. Afghans have little faith, and for good reasons, in their own government and its rule of law institutions, which are often a source of abuse rather than protection. The overall human rights deficit in Afghanistan, especially the protection of civilians in the context of ongoing conflict, the widespread impunity that perpetrators enjoy and the absence of justice are issues of major concern to Afghans. The rule of the gun, as opposed to the rule of law, is still dominant. For journalist and media professionals, the growing violence targeting them and threats to freedom of expression and independence of media is particularly worrying. Any discussion about the state of independent media in Afghanistan should be seen in the context of this broader narrative. Afghan Journalists and media institutions are directly affected by the status quo. Like many other things in Afghanistan, independent media and freedom of expression are under attack.  The independent media is not just an isolated success story in post-Taliban Afghanistan. Although it has not yet been conclusively proven, requiring dedicated research, there is a common agreement among all stake holders that independent media has been the main contributor to all other achievements in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. Today, this extraordinary success is in danger of being undone. Any threat to the future of independent media will have widespread and long term repercussions on all the other areas of progress in Afghanistan, threatening the future of democracy and development in the country.
Tajik Cinema Today
Safarbek Soliev, film director

Today we look at the cinematography of the Twentieth Century in Tajikistan as a historical phenomenon, which was left forever. During the Communist regime, cinema was a powerful mechanism for propaganda and for influencing the minds of people. Not only many cinemas were built, but also there was a network of the mobile film projectors, regularly left at pastures, construction sites and other temporary places where people stayed. The fixed state system of the distribution of films worked in all 15 republics including Tajikistan. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union this cinema system collapsed. However, another disastrous factor loomed in Tajikistan: the Civil War. In the first years of independence one of the presidential candidates was the leader of the Cinema Union of Tajikistan, Davlat Khudonazarov. He failed and the Communist-backed Government was reinstated. The victory of Communists, and the beginning of Civil War, was disastrous for cinema in Tajikistan. A ruined economy could influence cinema, and these combined factors resulted in a serious crash in the system of professional cinematography in the country. Many professional film makers left country due to a lack of jobs and unbearable living conditions. Many are now working in the other countries as Russia, France, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and others…

Conditions for Independent Media in Iran
Akbar Montajabi, journalist

Do we have any media we could call independent? This is probably the most vital question to be asked on the eve of the 30th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. A vital pre-condition is regarded as essential for any independent media to flourish: a society based on civil rights and progress. Thus we have to ask what role the media can play in a country in which civil society is still shrouded in uncertainty. We will have to look at the conditions of media, including press, TV and Radio, in Iran in two vital periods of reform and post-reform. We will look at the media in four stages of development and examine their survival rate in the past few years – despite the restrictions imposed on them. We will also ask whether these were really independent media or organs of political parties and alliances. And what their future chances could be in a society in which there is no professional vision of the media.

Journalists Adjust to Red Lines in Afghanistan
Faheem Dashty, journalist, Editor Kabul Weekly

There are red lines for journalist everywhere around the world. Although these red lines – relative to time and place – could be very different, they represent one single fact: no one is allowed to cross them and if they do their life, their freedom, and their entire livelihood could be in danger. In Afghanistan we could boast we have more red lines than other places! And the types of red lines are more varied and less clear by definition. Our red lines consist not only of political issues, but also very strongly, of cultural, legal and religious red lines. What has made our lives very difficult is the interconnection between these red lines. Sometimes you may not know it and you cross one red line and create for yourself life-threatening consequences. Added to these is the fact that most Afghans are new to the profession of journalism and they could fall fowl of their own shortcomings. Despite the fact that many have been trained by a variety of internal and international professional bodies, stressing on freedom of speech, many Afghan journalists are still unaware of the border lines between “criticism” and “insult” when treating individuals in their reporting. We have a long way to go – full of technical, economic as well as humanistic hurdles — before we could say our media is on its way to become the “Fourth Power” in Afghanistan.

Women Bloggers Promote women’s Viewpoint in Iran
Mehdi Jami, journalist, Director Radio Zamaneh

Iranian women are now far more involved with defining their social roles compared to the first decade of the Islamic revolution. However, none of the variety of roles women have found for themselves has been a clear departure from the past due to the fact that they have had to adjust these roles to the consistently male-dominated system of Islamic laws and punishment. Thus women have actively used web communications to build infrastructure for a greater change. They are working inside and outside Iran to change the mindset of a male oriented society. Changes in girls’ behaviour in Iran and hot discussions on the web go hand in hand. As the domestic media has numerous limitations on discussing social taboos, this crucial role has been transferred to the web. Web is now regarded as a liberation medium. Iranians have made a virtual society on the web in which they can talk freely and express their feelings and thoughts without censorship. Women are the top beneficiaries of this opportunity.  Women know that for a successful healthy function in the society they have to change and win hearts and minds. This is the first time in Iranian history that women talk so freely about literally what ever they want. This would be surely a source for future change in Iran. They are changing the mindset of the real society. The most interesting factor about this web community is that the discussion is managed by no-big-names but by ordinary women and girls. This means the elite are no longer in control of the changes taking shape deep in society.

The Impact of Women on Media in Afghanistan
Shukria Barakzai, Editor Ayneh Zan, Member of Parliament

“My pen is on my loan; my thoughts are in my prison; my beliefs are hidden; my tongue is in my silence; my torch is in my darkness.” One of the main post-Taliban achievements of Afghanistan was said initially to have been the freedom of speech as enshrined in the Constitution. However, to this day this basic freedom has been unable to assert its rightful place in society. Before it could come to fruition, this fledgling right was destroyed by political and economic misfortunes. Hundreds of press, radio and TV stations were initiated by local and international NGOs and organizations, but due to a total lack of Government planning and insight they all faced drastic decline. During the past few months the media have faced a barrage of attacks, threats, executions and imprisonments. Worst affected of all have been women in media. Despite all this none in the media family have stopped from trying. Media in Afghanistan need support in creating the right and effective legal framework for free journalism; they need support for bridging the information and news gap; and they need technical and financial support to assert their right to freedom of speech.

Can We See Iran through Iranian Films?
Houshang Golmakani, film critique, Editor Film Magazine

It is now over twenty years that Iranian films have made their presence felt powerfully in world cinema. However, this has been mainly in the international arena of film festivals and cultural centres. Less has been seen of Iranian films through western cinemas or TV. This implies that Iranian films have been mainly viewed by intellectuals and film experts, whom have tendency to see film as a real reflection of the society in which they were made. This view – originally advocated by French film critiques – has become prevalent in intellectual film circles. Articles written about Iranian cinema indicate clearly that Iran is frequently analysed through these films. True, Iranian films have won over a thousand prizes in international film festivals and have been a huge source of pride for Iranians. True also that they have helped to correct many misgivings about Iran – presenting Iranian film as worthy of powerful artistic evaluation. Yet they have not managed to convince the world that they are not a true reflection of Iran. The problem may arise due to the fact that those intellectuals have been looking at Iran mainly through one type of Iranian film, rather than the popular films made commercially for the Iranian market. And yet, it could be argued that these commercial films are more typical of what constitutes Iran and Iranian. Thus I will discuss whether and how far — those films seen abroad in international film festivals — could be a credible source for understanding Iran.

Life in Between the Red Lines
Kasra Nouri, journalist

Journalism is going through a phase of rational realism in Iran; by-passing the hardships and pleasant moments as well as comprehending the geographic coordinates and surrounding factors (the real position of journalist in Iran, social expectations and political sensitivities) journalists are progressing towards the horizon of realism in order to create for themselves an environment in which they can perform their professional duties, away from conflicts and collisions with authorities. Despite this, journalists still do not have a clear map of the mine field they face and as such any ill-calculated step could lead to danger and end in closure. Moreover, there seem to be new centres designating new “red lines”. Now there are “red lines” not just for what you must “not say”, but also “red lines” for what you “must say”. There are new zones added to the previously understood “red lines”. If in the past the “red lines” were limited mainly to politics and society, today there are also “security red lines.” Nevertheless the media make an effort to survive in this minefield by applying strategies to alter the social structure. They try to pursue a realistic view while at the same time make themselves believe that their duty is to express the realities in the society not to emerge as partisan. What they should in fact be doing is broadening the horizons for the next generations: this should be the genuine mission for all writers.

The Looming New Media of Tajikistan
Shafkat Rajabian, journalist

Tajikistan’s acquaintance with the World Wide Web is still in its early phase. According to Internet World Stats, there were 2000 Internet users in the country in the year 2000, and the number reached 19,500 in 2005 that constitutes merely 0.3% of the population. The process has been slow but steady, and as they say, slow but steady wins the race. There have been reports about a wider access to the Internet especially among city-dwellers in 2007. Internet cafes have become a booming business and many institutions, including schools, provide free connection to the Internet. The government is trying its best to hinder the process by regular inspections of the net-cafes and obliging people to apply for official authorisation to get the Internet installed at home. Many opposition web-sites have faced filtration and blockage within the country. The measures, however, proved almost ineffective. The number of independent Tajik Internet outlets is growing fast. Various NGOs are assisting the youth to launch their own web logs. Recently 17 students of the Tajik Arts University Journalism Department have been trained to open their personal web logs in Dushanbe. The number of blogs by Tajiks abroad is rising even faster. Most of the blogs outside the country are critical of the government’s policies, and even some web logs within Tajikistan dare to challenge government’s decisions on various issues. I will try to scrutinize all the issues regarding Internet usage, blogging and independent net media of Tajikistan in my paper.

Media in Afghanistan’s Major Provinces
Mohammad Shafiq Haqpal, journalist

Much attention has been paid by the international community to events in Kabul. Provinces have received relatively less coverage in international media when in fact it is in the provinces that majority Afghan opinion is formed. Since the downfall of the Taliban, over 590 newspapers, weeklies and magazines have been registered across Afghanistan. Of these 435 are in Kabul and 155 in provinces. Of independent or semi independent media there are some 57 in provinces. There are 13 TV stations in Kabul alone, some viewed also in provinces. Moreover there are 55 private radio stations and five news agencies serving across Afghanistan. There are hundreds of Internet Web sites belonging to private entrepreneurs, although official statistics is not available on these. Many of the private media have been under huge pressure to survive, many for financial reasons, and international attention to these is also waning. However, it will be argued that it would be impossible to re-build Afghanistan’s civil society without a healthy independent media. And it follows on that without a thriving media operating in provinces across Afghanistan it would be impossible to debate and discuss people’s preferences in remote mountainous villages. Development, reconstruction and good governance can only go hand in hand with healthy media and discussion across the country where the population at large feels involved.

No Media, No Comment: Effects of media black-out on youth
Salimjon Aioubov: Journalist

The absence of truly independent mass media in Tajikistan, coupled with widespread abuse of relative press freedom has left its mark on the youth culture. Most young people are growing up without access to accurate news and information, or even proper education. They are raised in an atmosphere of lies, servitude, group norms and corporate interests. They have become passive witnesses of their life and politically indifferent to their society and their own future. Although some Tajik politicians and even some journalists accuse the first wave independent newspapers of igniting the civil war, the current mass media is forming a ground for long-term and massive disaster. This paper will be mainly focused on effects of mass media picking up examples mostly from the Tajik newspapers, some broadcast materials and the internet.

Internet as an Indispensable tool for women’s movement in Iran
By Shadi Sadr

After a very brief background of female web sites and blogs in Iran, the paper will explain their functions in three continual historical periods:

The first: Raising the awareness:
In this period which started in 2001, some of the most influence of web sites and blogs were established. The main function of them at that time was raising the awareness abut gender issues, sexuality and women’s experiences which in some cases, Iranian women have never spoken about out. I will clarify this function through a lot of examples.

The second: Advocacy
Beside awareness raising, in the absence of access to the public sphere, very freely, in the last years of Khatami, women’s organizations (NGOs), coalitions and even individual feminists started to use internet (Their web sites) as a tool for advocacy. They have gathered signatures for their petitions online, they have announced for some demonstration in their web sites and ….

The third: Networking
After the oppression of women’s movement activists in Iran in Ahmadinejad and in banning independent press, women’s NGOs, forums and the other public sphere, feminists initiate networking through the internet. Feminist web sites and blogs became a unique space to talk about women’s critical issues, to decide on women’s movement strategies, to seek new members and …

In the conclusion, explanation will be offered as to why Internet in Iran, for women’s movement is an indispensable tool.

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